Next week will mark an unlikely milestone in modern history: The Kyoto
Protocol on global climate change will take effect a week from today, without
U.S. participation. A global policy train will be leaving the station, in other
words, without the United States even being on board, let alone serving as
conductor.
All 25 nations of the European Union have ratified the Kyoto accord,
and they have created an innovative system for trading rights to emit the carbon
dioxide "greenhouse gases" that are thought to be responsible for global
warming. High-emissions Britain could purchase allocations from low-emissions
Norway, for example. This "carbon trading" system will make it easier for the
E.U. as a whole to meet the Kyoto target of reducing emissions from 2008 onward
to 8 percent below 1990 levels. It will also encourage new investment in Eastern
Europe to replace aging, polluting factories there.
The decisive signatory of this 21st-century treaty, as it happened, was
sleepy, corrupt Mother Russia. The Russian parliament's decision to ratify Kyoto
last October guaranteed that the treaty would take effect, despite the Bush
administration's decision in 2001 to withdraw from it. More than 140 nations
have ratified the agreement.
Kyoto is probably the best example of the differing trajectories of the
Bush administration and most of its allies and trading partners. The
administration decided to walk away from the treaty during its first months in
office, arguing that the Kyoto requirement that the United States cut greenhouse
emissions to 7 percent below 1990 levels would cost 5 million jobs and billions
of dollars.
Some of the administration's criticisms were valid -- especially its
argument that the treaty was flawed because it didn't include limits for
developing nations such as China. But by disdaining Kyoto, the administration
opted out of a process that might have produced a better agreement. Perhaps the
administration assumed that Kyoto would wither and die without U.S. support; if
so, it was wrong.
The Bush administration's official position is that the climate change
issue is complicated and needs more study. Yet many of the administration's own
scientists seem convinced that the problem is real and growing. The
Environmental Protection Agency endorses the finding by the National Academy of
Sciences that the Earth's surface temperature has risen about 1 degree
Fahrenheit in the past century.
The EPA's Web site offers this blood-curdling warning: "Rising global
temperatures are expected to raise sea level, and change precipitation and other
local climate conditions. Changing regional climate could alter forests, crop
yields, and water supplies. . . . Deserts may expand into existing rangelands,
and features of some of our National Parks may be permanently altered." And yet
the administration does little except study the data.
The global figure taking the lead on climate change is none other than
George Bush's best foreign friend, British Prime Minister Tony Blair. In a
speech last month at the World Economic Forum in Davos, he seemed to be talking
directly to the Bush administration: "It would be true to say the evidence is
still disputed," Blair said. "It would be wrong to say that the evidence of
danger is not clearly and persuasively advocated by a very large number of
entirely independent and compelling voices. They are the majority. The majority
is not always right, but they deserve to be listened to."
Blair is proving as principled and stubborn on climate change as he has
been on Iraq -- which will put pressure on Bush. The prime minister will host
the Group of Eight summit this July in Gleneagles, Scotland, and he seems
determined to make progress there on climate change. Bush surely realizes he
owes Blair one, and the G-8 summit could provide an opportunity for the
administration to get off the fence.
As the global wagon train begins to move, it will pull the United
States along, regardless of what Bush decides. Two pillars of the Republican
counter-administration, Sens. John McCain and Chuck Hagel, are set to introduce
legislation next week to deal with climate change. Meanwhile, environmentalists
in California are pushing to implement a 2002 law that would require reduced
emissions of carbon dioxide for autos there; if it passes, similar laws may be
introduced in other big states. At some point, U.S. auto companies may insist on
uniform federal standards.
Kyoto isn't the last word on climate change. It's a flawed treaty, and
it needs amendment. But it shows that the political and economic dimensions of
globalization are becoming intertwined. Kyoto has more than 140 nations on
board; that's a critical mass that will require the world's major companies to
adapt to a global market in emissions trading. America can drag its feet on
climate change, but it turns out that it can't stop the rest of the world from
taking action.
davidignatius@washpost.com